大吃大喝

大吃大喝

(da4 chi1 da4 he1)

Eat and drink to one's heart's content;
to waste too much money on feasting and partying

Space Real Estate - Satellite Diplomacy

Over the last few years there has been increasing concern in Washington over the impact that Chinese advancing ability to command space real-estate - better known as Satellite - might have on the balance of power. Specifically, that it might shift it a little less in America's favor than it used to be. Traditionally, these concerns have fallen into 2 categories.

1) Military concerns
2) Economic concerns

Military

On the military front, Washington has expressed concern that a modernizing China is increasingly able to design, build and launch space based hardware with the potential to improve Beijing ability to:

1) Coordination its military forces
2) Gather long ranged intelligence about opposing forces
3) Impede America's own capabilities by jamming communications or destroying US military Satellite

Thus making any future Sino-American conflict more difficult to wage for the US and more costly for Washington in terms of manpower and dollars.

Equally, Washington has expressed concern about the close relationship between China's military and civilian satellite industries. Particularly that experience and capital generate through the development and launching of civilian satellites could easily be channeled towards military satellite programs. Allowing Beijing to develop increasingly sophisticated technologies under civilian auspices which can rapidly be put to military use - so-called "Duel Use" technology - while at the same time presenting elements of military R&D budget as being civilian in nature so as to avoid international oversight.

Economics

Though a secondary issue, and one more reserved for the future that the present day, elements within Washington have also expressed concern over the potential economic impact that Chinese Satellite might have on US economic interests. Such fears are two fold.

1) That China will deploy communications and Earth observation Satellite domestically, using them to improve the efficiency of its agricultural, industrial, and service industries. Thus allowing China's economy to grow faster and to compete with the Ameriica's more directly
2) That every Satellite that Beijing builds, and every dollar that it earns in doing so, will allow China to develop increasingly sophisticated and economical Satellites for export. Eventually enabling it to reach the stage where it will be able to compete with the US on the open market. Forcing US manufacturers to cut their margins in order to stay competitive, and attracting international investment away from the US and towards China. Thus impacting upon the US Satellite sector in much the same way that is has already happened on the manufacturing sector.

Soft Power Politics

For the most part, the fact that Washington has spent so much time and effort worrying about the military and economic threat posed by China's satellite industry says as much Washington's way of thinking as it does about anything else. However, there is also a third potential threat that officials in Washington are now began to wake up to. One which may have more impact on the balance of power in the post Cold War, post 9/11, world than either of the above.

According to the latest reports, Beijing is now actively seeking to market satellite in the developing world. Selling, or leasing, space hardware to countries who aspire to the benefits brought by orbital real-estate, but who lack both the technical ability and the wealth necessary to do so acquire them independently.

"[China] want to play a leadership role for developing countries that want to get into space." - Joan Johnson-Freese, Chairperson, Department of National Security Studies, US Naval War College

At first, this might not seem like a big deal for Washington. After all, there is little profit to be made selling Satellite to people who can barely afford basic amenities, and a third world country would need a first world military to go with its satellites before it could pose a tactical threat to US interests. However, this is where so-called "Soft Power" comes in.

By offering to provide space real-estate to the developing world, on favorable terms, China can pick up influence and political good will that could be translated into virtually anything in the future, from votes in the UN and trade advantages, to favorable access to natural resources/

"It's just such a win-win for them. They are making political connections, it helps them with oil deals and they bring in hard currency to feed back into their own program to make them even more commercially competitive." - Joan Johnson-Freese

Although often individually economically small or without influence, developing countries make up a significant portion of the world's population and are the source of a significant portion of its natural resources, too, together can have a large impact on world affair. Thus making them important friends for China, which is seeking international recognition and credibility, as well as the natural resources to fuel its growing economy.

Equally, with leverage in the developing world, China can rally international support for it's own domestic policies and programs. Making it impossible for the West to criticize China, or to put pressure on it over such things as it domestic human rights record or its trade/economic policies, without itself facing a backlash from China's developing world allies. Thus weakening the West position by forcing it onto the defensive on many issues.

A Sign of things to come?

A recent example of this, and what the future may hold, was seen last week when China launched the $US311 Million Nigcomsat-1, for Nigeria, an oil rich country that maintains a problematic relationship with the Wests, but which has increasingly been looking to China for assistance in developing its infrastructure and harvesting its natural resources.

"What we have achieved in this project is a masterpiece of Sino-African relations - T Ahmed Rufai, Chief Executive, Nigerian Communication Satellite Ltd.

While a small fish in a large pond, the construction of Nigcomsat-1 is highly notable in that China managed to pulled the contract out from under the noses of almost 2 dozen competing bids. Most from significantly more developed states, including America, Israeli, Russian, and the EU. With China offering a level of service that the other nations either couldn't or wouldn't provide.

Russian and Israeli manufacturers were forced to pull out of the bidding process because they couldn't guarantee to provide coverage for the whole of Nigeria across the Ku, C, L and Ka bands from the required orbital position, as specified in the contract. US companies faced difficulties because of Washington's strict technology export laws, which could potentially have impede their ability to fulfill the Nigeria's criteria for an all inclusive service, and there were also concerned over the profitability of the contract and Nigeria's ability to pay for it an follow up work. EU groups were similarly concerned over long term financial issues.

"Business ventures with Nigeria have been difficult, to say the least" - Roger Rusch, President, TelAstra Inc, California

Chinese engineers managed to resolve issues over band provisions using technological solutions, while Beijing overcame finance/profitability concerns by providing a finance package along side a contract bid. China also faced no challenges in regards to technology exports, as American companies did, due to China's "No strings, no judgment" policy; under which Beijing does not require foreign countries to meet domestic standards before exporting items of high technology or cost to them.

Foreign attitudes were also said to come into play, and it was reported that representatives of one of company declined to work to Nigeria's specification; considering it to be too advanced a program, and instead offered to build them a satellite built to their own design. Causing much bad feelings among Nigeria officials, who saw the offer as being an insult.

"A senior representative of this company came to visit us and was arrogantly telling us what we needed, and why we didn't want what our [Request for Proposal] said. I told him I was expecting him to ask two questions he didn't ask, and I posed these questions to him myself: Do you see people living in trees here? Do you see lions or hyenas running in the streets? This company was not taking us seriously." - Robert Boroffice, Director-General, Nigerian National Space Research Development Agency (NASRDA)

At present, Beijing has is contracted to build approximately 30 foreign satellites, including ones for the oil-rich, US-hostile, states of Iran and Venezuela, with whom it has been cultivating relations for some time. As well for Bangladesh, Indonesia, Mongolia, Pakistan, Peru and Thailand.

Other Concerns

In addition to concerns that Beijing might be using space real-estate exports to "win friends and influence people", the prospect of China selling satellites to the developing world also raises other concerns for the US. Many of which revolve around China's "No strings, no judgment" policy, which allows it to deal with states the US wouldn't, and in situations which could cause many problems for the US.

For example, the sale of communications satellites to countries with different world views - such as Islamic Middle Eastern state or socialist Latin American states - could greatly expand said states ability to broadcast their ideologies to a global audience, or to communicate with sympathetic audiences independently of US infrastructure. The sale Earth watching and communications satellites could allow developing countries to develop faster, and to make better use of their natural resource. Making them more self reliant and more able to compete on the world market, and less reliant on Western countries for technology, but without them first having to reform their social, political or economic systems. Equally, China may also export "Dual Use" satellite technology to countries that the US considers to be unsuitable recipient, who might put them to uses that impede America's ability to project force overseas. For example, an Earth watching satellite designed for civilian use could be acquired by a nation such as Iran and used to target missiles, or to spot approaching US forces in the event of a confrontation.

Summing Up

While arguments over policy and threat go on in Washington, China watchers have noted that, regardless of whether China's satellite industry civilian in nature, military, or a mixture of both, its eventual emergence as an export market will be a loose loose situation for Washington.

Whether America is loosing votes at the UN because of the soft power in the developing; because of subsidized satellite deals, loosing loosing oil and ore deals in the third world; because China has the inside track with regional government, loosing contracts in Africa, Asia and Europe; because governments have can find a cheaper alternative and a more amenable trading partner in China, or loosing aircraft carriers in the pacific; because China's military satellites give have narrowed the technological divide, Chinese satellites seem destined to make a difference to the Sino-American dynamic.

Nigcomsat-1

Nigcomsat-1, is a quad-band geostationary communications satellite designed to provide broadcasting, telephony and broadband internet access. The satellite's launch is predicted to save Nigeria over $US600 Million in telephony costs, and to cut into the $US100 Million that Nigerians currently spend leasing services from foreign owned satellites.

"[Nigcomsat-1] gives you bandwidth to enable you to communicate from point A to point B, from rural Africa to urban cities" - Dr Bashir Gwandu, Director, Nigeria Communications Commission

According to Chinese and Nigerian sources, the satellite was constructed in a shorter time than the average for a Western country, and to a lower budget.

"The bid from China was judged the most economically advantageous tender and thus won the bid" - T. Ahmed Rufai

In addition to constructing and launching the satellite, China was also contracted to build two ground monitoring stations for NASRDA, and to train 98 Nigerian engineers to monitor and maintain the satellite's systems and services.

source

Menschenrechte in China - Die coole Oberfläche täuscht

Von Mark Siemons, Peking

25. Mai 2007

Bundespräsident Köhler reist in nervöserer Atmosphäre durch China als die letzten deutschen Staatsbesucher. Mit einigen Nadelstichen ist es Deutschland in den letzten Wochen gelungen, das Thema Menschenrechte wieder scharfzumachen, von dem man schon glauben konnte, dass es in den üblichen diplomatischen Routinen restlos untergegangen sei. Eine Resolution des Bundestags hatte Chinas Arbeitslager kritisiert; den europäisch-chinesischen Menschenrechtsdialog in Berlin hatten Pekinger Diplomaten vorzeitig verlassen, weil auch Hongkonger Nichtregierungsorganisationen teilnahmen, die als „staatsfeindlich“ klassifiziert wurden. Nun wägt Köhler seine Worte vorsichtiger denn je.

Zuvor konnte man den Eindruck haben, der allzu abstrakte Begriff sei erfolgreich neutralisiert: Mit der gleichen Geläufigkeit, mit der die „Menschenrechtssituation“ von westlichen Politikern angesprochen wurde, wurde sie von ihren chinesischen Kollegen höflich zurückgewiesen (innere Angelegenheiten) oder freundlich delegiert (es läuft ja schon der einschlägige Dialog).

Philosophie statt Machtabgabe

Aber die coole Oberfläche täuscht, auch in diplomatisch ruhigen Zeiten fühlt sich China durch den universalistischen Anspruch erheblich herausgefordert, der verhindert, dass konkrete Kritik ohne Weiteres als bloße Einmischung abgetan werden kann. Zahllose Forscher und Forschungsstellen, auch eine „Chinesische Gesellschaft für Menschenrechtsstudien“, beschäftigen sich seit Jahren mit dem Thema, um der „westlichen Diskurshegemonie“ etwas Eigenes entgegenzusetzen. Die offizielle, immer wieder neu variierte Position ist, dass Chinas traditionelle Kultur eine eigene Sicht der Menschenrechte entwickelt habe, die eher von der Harmonie der Gemeinschaft als von „Individualismus und Egoismus“ ausgehe. Deshalb nennt das regierungsamtliche Weißbuch Demokratie „das Recht des Volkes auf Existenz und Entwicklung“ als das „vorrangige“ Menschenrecht, um das der Staat sich zu kümmern habe.

Es ist offenkundig, dass da eine Regierung philosophiert, die Gründe dafür sucht, weshalb sie keine Macht abgeben soll. Und auch ernstgemeinte Argumente können von einem Staat, dem sie ins Konzept passen, natürlich jederzeit instrumentalisiert werden. Gleichwohl tut ein Denken, dem der universalistische Charakter der Menschenrechte ernst ist, gut daran, sich auf die unterschiedlichen historischen und kulturellen Erfahrungen argumentativ einzulassen, die in diesen Debattenbeiträgen zum Ausdruck kommen können (wobei man mit der Benennung von Unrecht nicht warten muss, bis die Diskussion abgeschlossen ist).

Die „De-facto-Religion des Westens“

In der Zeitschrift, die die Chinesische Akademie für Sozialwissenschaften herausgibt, ist gerade jetzt ein Aufsatz erschienen, der radikaler ist als die übliche kulturalistische Argumentation. Der an der Akademie arbeitende Philosoph Zhao Tingyang bezeichnet die ständigen Verweise auf Menschenrechte da als die neue „De-facto-Religion des Westens“ (bei anderer Gelegenheit hatte er den westlichen Universalismus einen „verborgenen Fundamentalismus“ genannt), und die defensiven Reaktionen offizieller Kreise hält er für philosophisch bedeutungslos, nichts anderes als das heimliche Eingeständnis, dass die westliche Sichtweise richtig sei.

Doch wie der Westen aus einem rein biologischen Umstand - demjenigen, Mensch zu sein - ein „Recht“ ableite, lasse sich nicht rechtfertigen; die Natur habe noch nie ein Recht begründet, das könne erst die Moral. In Wirklichkeit mache den Menschen nicht das, was er „ist“, sondern was er „tut“, zum Subjekt von Rechten. Aus spieltheoretischen Erwägungen leitet Zhao nun ab, dass sich die menschlichen Interessen am besten in einem System der „symmetrischen Gerechtigkeit“ befriedigen lassen, in dem Menschenrechte nicht als „natürliche Rechte“, aufgrund des Seins, sondern als „Rechte auf Kredit“, aufgrund des Handelns, gewährt werden: „Alle menschlichen Rechte, einschließlich derjenigen auf Leben und Freiheit, sind etwas, was zurückgezahlt werden muss.“ Sie sollen nur bei Wohlverhalten gelten.

Die paradoxe Pointe der Menschenrecht

Der blinde Fleck dieser aus dem Handeln und den Beziehungen gewonnenen Position ist offensichtlich: Sie nimmt die Gesellschaft, von der die Rechte abhängen sollen, als etwas Naturwüchsiges, ohne die Frage, wer denn da nun nach welchen Kategorien die Rechte gewährt oder entzieht, in den Mittelpunkt zu stellen. Zhao gesteht immerhin selbst ein, dass es für die Gerechtigkeit in diesem System kein objektives Kriterium gibt. Eben der staatlichen Willkür, die die Menschenrechte begrenzen sollen, würden da Tür und Tor geöffnet.

Aufschlussreich aber ist, dass Zhao genau das unplausibel an den Menschenrechten findet, was ihre ursprünglich naturrechtliche oder christliche Herleitung betrifft. In der praktischen Politik sind diese Ursprünge längst eingeklammert, doch in der Konfrontation mit einer ganz anderen Geistesgeschichte treten sie nun wieder als etwas Fremdes hervor. Doch die paradoxe Pointe der Menschenrechte hängt nicht davon ab. Ihr Postulat verlangt dem Staat ab, eine Grenze seiner eigenen Wirksamkeit bedingungslos zu schützen. Um den Sinn einer solchen Grenzziehung einzusehen, bedarf es keiner bestimmten Metaphysik, sondern nur der historischen Erfahrung, dass Staaten zu Übergriffen auf Menschen fähig sind. Und von dieser Erfahrung hatte China genug.

How to write a China article.

By ChouChou

You’ve just arrived in your 5-Star room at the Shanghai Hilton and unpacked your fancy new Apple laptop. As you pull the top off the mini bottle of Hennessey XO, you finally turn to your instructions from the editor back home. 2000 words by Monday about the important issues facing China today. Easy.
But two days have passed and you are still staring at a blank screen. You’re experiencing a stretch of writer’s block as long as the Great Wall of China and the deadline is hanging over your head like the proverbial Sword of Damocles. It seems that more research than flicking through a copy of Wild Swans in the airport is needed after all.

Sound familiar? Then you, my journalist friend, need the Sinocidal fully patented guide on how to write that Pulitzer Prize winning China article. Simply follow the steps below, and you’ll have your name splashed across the front page of every newspaper in Britain faster than a convicted child molester.

Title

Each and every good China article begins with a carefully considered and well thought-out title. “Cor, what a scorcher” may be good enough for a tabloid article about heatwaves in April, but if you’re going to impress your fellow tofu-eating, goatee bearded colleagues at the Grauniad office (not to mention that hot feminist who writes angry columns about women’s issues), then you’re going to need to think up a snappy headline. Thankfully, titles for China articles follow a strict guideline, and a catchy media soundbite can be created in seconds thanks to the Sinocidal (TM) China-headline-o’matic. Just choose one of the words from column A, and match it with a random word from column B.

A
China
The Dragon
The East
1.3 Billion People
Red Star

B
Rises
Century
Awakes
Stirs
Does Dallas

The only exception to this rule is when writing an article about the clash of western commercialism against old-style Communist practices, in which case the title “Mickey Maos” must be used.

Interview a taxi driver

You may well be isolated from the unwashed masses of China in your luxury Shanghai hotel room, but for God’s sake, you don’t want the brainless idiots who read your newspaper to know that. A good journalist never loses his common touch: after all, the whole point of your article is to pretend that you care about “the Chinese people themselves” and how unfairly the system treats them. Bob Geldof has made a career about appearing to care for African people, and hopefully you can do the same for Chinese people, earn loads of money, and buy a big fuck-off house in the south of France. There’s no way you actually want to meet any of the Chinese people though. It’s OK to let some of them clean your hotel room, but any more contact than that and you risk catching tuberculosis. So you might as well make use of the only Chinese person you ever come into contact with - the taxi driver - and pass off his opinions as your own.

Interest rate predictions for the coming quarter? Ask a taxi driver.
Improving Sino-Japanese relations in the post-Koizumi era? Ask a taxi driver.
Financial aid to developing African economies? Ask a taxi driver, but leave out his politically incorrect opinions regarding “those dark folk”. The students in the SOAS reading room don’t like reading about that kind of thing.

If you can’t find a taxi driver whose political views match those of your readers, then just make one up. Call him Mr. Wang, inform your public that he only earns a hundred dollars a month, and they’ll believe any old crap you write. “I’ve been following the latest series of Big Brother with interest,” says Beijing cab driver Mr. Wang (43), “though Jade Goody’s recent behaviour has been quite reprimandable. Still, it’s hard to follow all this celebrity gossip when I only earn five yuan a year.”

Contrasts

Nobody really understands China. Especially you, because you hadn’t even heard of the country until last week when you failed to be chosen as a New York correspondent. So get around the whole problem of writing difficult conclusions by just presenting a series of contrasting images. Here are some easy ones to start you off:

• A statue of Mao with an advert for Coca-Cola in the background.

• An elderly Chinese man, with a long wispy beard, sat on a bench next to a fibreglass model of Ronald McDonald.

• A sign saying “Promote Environmental Awareness” stuck in a field full of nuclear waste and dead babies.

• A girl with a mobile phone walking past a tramp.

• A description of a fashionable Shanghai socialite who hangs out at Starbucks and likes KFC, quickly followed in the next paragraph by a description of a former prostitute who works 5 million hours a day in a condom factory for just two grains of rice a year.

Vague Conclusion

When you’ve finished writing your pointless and vague summary of obvious contrasts, follow it up with an equally pointless and vague conclusion. Write how some things point to x, whilst some other things point to y. “The future, it seems, is still uncertain for China” is always a good one to sign off with, especially because other countries are all governed by psychic fortune tellers who know everything that will happen for the next 200 years.
If, for whatever reason, you want to try something different (perhaps this is not your first time to write a China article. It might be your second, say), highlight the enormous population of China, and then focus on a single individual. That way you’ve covered all the bases and it looks like you care. You could even try and combine both conclusion styles if you’re feeling cocky. For example:

“It seems that the future is looking bright for the 1.3 billion people who make up the world’s most populous nation. But for Li Hui - who is still working at the condom factory for just two grains of rice a year - that future is still unclear.”

Follow the above guidelines and you can’t go wrong. Before long, you’ll be printing the words “CHINA EXPERT” on your business card and you’ll have your own book about the Chinese political landscape listed under the Lonely Planet Guide to China’s list of recommended reads.

Perhaps you could even call the book “China Awakes”.

America Didn't Get What She Wanted; Now What?

clipped from chinabusinesslaw.blogspot.com "disappointing" results of this round of trade talks Secretary Henry Paulson hosting a delegation of high level Chinese officials They, as I think, agreed to continue to disagree on some of the thorniest issues: the undervaluation of the Chinese currency--"Renminbi" (or "Yuan"); the failure of Chinese government in its protection of intellectual properties; American companies' access to the Chinese market, especially in the financial services sector he parties did agree on the following the number of daily passenger flights between the U.S. and China will be doubled in 2012 from the current 10 to 23 in five years; an increase of the number of cargo flights will also increase; a slight expansion of financial services to enter into China trade deficit with China is simply too large to overlook; it was a whopping $232.5 billion in 2006 which is reportedly larger than U.S. trade deficit with any country in history China unlikely to back down on its position to let the Renminbi rise 40%

Snubbed by U.S., China Finds New Space Partners

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BEIJING, May 23 — For years, China has chafed at efforts by the United States to exclude it from full membership in the world’s elite space club. So lately China seems to have hit on a solution: create a new club.

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China launched a communications satellite for Nigeria, a major oil producer, in a project that serves as a tidy case study of how space has become another arena where China is trying to exert its soft power.

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Not only did China design, build and launch the satellite for Nigeria, but it also provided a huge loan to help pay the bill. China has also signed a satellite contract with another big oil supplier, Venezuela. It is developing an earth observation satellite system with Bangladesh, Indonesia, Iran, Mongolia, Pakistan, Peru and Thailand. And it has organized a satellite association in Asia.

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Beijing also is focused on competing in the $100 billion commercial satellite industry.

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In recent years, China has managed to attract customers with its less expensive satellite launching services. Yet it had never demonstrated the technical expertise to compete for international contracts to build satellites.

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The Nigeria deal has changed that. Chinese engineers designed and constructed the geostationary communications satellite, called the Nigcomsat-1. A state-owned aerospace company, Great Wall Industry Corporation, will monitor the satellite from a ground station in northwestern China. It will also train Nigerian engineers to operate a tracking station in Abuja, their national capital.

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Nigeria is a risky customer for any satellite manufacturer. It is consistently rated one of the most corrupt nations

clipped from: www.nytimes.com

With the satellite priced at roughly $300 million, the state-owned Export-Import Bank of China, or China ExIm, granted $200 million in preferential buyer’s credits to Nigeria. The bank often provides the hard currency for China’s soft power aspirations: In Africa, China ExIm has handed out more than $7 billion in loans in recent years, according to one study.

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Satellites also are becoming vital to Beijing’s domestic development plans. In the next several years, China could launch as many as 100 satellites to help deliver television to rural areas, create a digital navigational network, facilitate scientific research and improve mapping and weather monitoring. Research centers on microsatellites have opened in Beijing, Shanghai and Harbin, and a new launching center is under construction in Hainan Province.

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But China’s focus on satellites has also brought suspicions, particularly from the United States, since most satellites are “dual use” technologies, capable of civilian and military applications. Currently, China is overhauling its military in a modernization drive focused, in part, on developing the capacity to fight a “high tech” war.

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China’s determination to develop its own equivalent to the Global Positioning System, or G.P.S.

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Most alarmingly to Western countries, China conducted an antisatellite test in January by firing a missile into space, destroying one of its own orbiting satellites and scattering a trail of dangerous debris despite its oft-stated opposition to the use of weapons in space.

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Space relations between the powers were already frosty. Washington, responding to scandals over stolen technology, has tried for nearly a decade to isolate the Chinese space program through export restrictions that prohibit the use of American space technology on satellites launched in China. Washington also has prevented China from participating in the International Space Station and, in some cases, stopped Chinese scientists from attending space conferences in America
New York Times

Nur eine große China-Blase?

clipped from www.china-in-the-news.de Nur eine große China-Blase? Die Chinesen sind als Volk der Spieler bekannt. Daher darf es kaum verwundern, wenn von den 16 Millionen Einwohnern Shanghais mittlerweile 11 Millionen in Aktien investiert haben. Was in China passiert, ist deshalb von so großer Tragweite, weil es auch massive Auswirkungen auf die Finanzmärkte in Übersee, vor allem in den USA, haben kann. Schon die ersten Warnzeichen im Februar 2007 haben aufgezeigt, dass der amerikanische Aktienmarkt auf starke Kursabschläge in China sehr nervös reagieren kann. Das wahrscheinlichste Szenario wird sein, dass ein Crash in China die dortigen Indizes innerhalb von wenigen Tagen um bis zu 25-30 % einbrechen lassen könnte. Eines ist jedoch sicher, nämlich dass der so genannte Kran-Indikator auch für China gilt: Dort wo besonders viele Kräne stehen, sind Aktien-Crashes vorprogrammiert. Dies konnte man letztes Jahr am Aktienmarkt in Dubai beobachten, wo die Kurse um mehr als 70 % einbrachen.

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